Which tho it was per great principality was nothing comparable in Greatness and power, onesto the ancient and famous kingdom of Scotland

developing British nation, the British line of kings was verso prominent topos con Welsh poetry sopra the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Even before the Battle of Bosworth, poets reflected a growing link between the Welsh gentry and, depending on alliances, York or Lancastrian leaders. Welsh poets praised the ancient British heritage of Edward IV. The poet, Lewis Glyn Cothi (1447–1486), traced Edward’s descent from Gwladys Ddu, the daughter of Llywelyn Vawr, and beyond that preciso Cadwaladr, Arthur and Brutus. Indeed he equates Edward with Arthur.60 Later, this fusion of historical and Galfridian genealogy became a means of expressing loyalty puro both Tudor and Stewart monarchs and still retain the timore of Arthur as verso redeemer. Dafydd Llwyd of Mathafarn addressed Henry Tudor con a paraphrase of the Glastonbury epitaph, ‘Harri was, Harri is, Harri will be.’61 The reception of Geoffrey’s history and its continuance as verso validation for kingship during the Wars of the Roses created per link with Henry VII that developed into an Act of Union with his bruissement.62 Foremost for the Welsh patrons of these poets were their own political interests mediante both Tudor and Stewart Wales. Whatever the long-term consequences for Welsh identity, at the time it was a way of creating verso cultural identity con which Wales had an ancient primacy, but also functioned within verso nation which included old allies such as the Scots, and traditional enemies, such as the Saxons.63 This awareness of nationhood survived during the Tudor period durante Wales, but was transferred puro the concept of a unified government. In the words of Humphrey Prichard, addressing Queen Elizabeth sopra 1592, ‘What is more praiseworthy and more honourable esatto see different nations divided by different languages brought under the rule of one prince?’64 During this time, and later during the Stewart period, per new image of Welsh cultural identity emerged, namely a Cambro-British political identity per the context of verso wider nation state as Welsh writers attempted preciso adopt modern historical techniques and still retain the world-view sopra Geoffrey’s Historia.65 This applied essentially preciso the gentry, for whom the term distinguished them from other Britons, the descendants of the Saxon invaders. It was an identity based on language, culture and antiquarian interests that highlighted an inheritance from an illustrious British past,66 and the term ‘Great Britain’ began esatto be applied sicuro per unified realm composed of all Geoffrey’s ancient kingdoms. 60

During this same period, Scottish writers became increasingly focused on their own kind of kingship

Anche. D. Jones, ‘Lewis Glyn Cothi’, sopra A Binario to Welsh Literature, di nuovo. Per. Ovvero. H. Jarman and Gwilym Rees Hughes (Swansea, 1979), pp. 250–1; Ancora. D. Jones, Gwaith Lewis Glyn Cothi (Cardiff and Aberystwyth, 1953). Griffiths and Thomas, Making of the Tudor Dynasty, p. 198; Dafydd Llwyd of Mathafarn, ancora. Ancora. Roberts (Chester, 1981). See David Starkey, ‘King Henry and King Arthur’, Arthurian Literature 16 (1998), 171–96 for contrasting uses of Arthur sopra Scotland and England during the reign of Henry VIII. Peter Roberts, ‘Tudor Wales, National Identity and the British Inheritance’, con British Consciousness and Identity: The Making of Britain 1533–1707, di nuovo. B. Bradshaw and P. Roberts (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 8–42 (pp. 20–1, 38); Davies, Revolt of Owain Glyn Dw? r, p. 124. J. Gwynfor Jones, ‘The Welsh Gentry and the Image of the “Cambro-Briton”, c. 1603–25′ Welsh History Review 20 (), 620–7, 628. Juliette Wood, ‘Perceptions of the Past mediante Welsh Folklore Studies’, Folklore 108 (1997), 93–9; Roberts, ‘Ymagweddau at Brut y Brenhinedd’, pp. 130–9. Wood, ‘Perceptions of the Past’, pp. 95–7.

If ever Geoffrey’s vision approached reality, it was under James VI, particularly before the death of his chant Henry, Prince of Wales.67 James VI brought the kingdoms of Scotland and England and the Principality of Wales into a celibe political unit and the pensiero of Britain seemed poised to become per political reality at last. Huw Machno (1606) addressed James with the traditional honorific phrase, ‘bruissement of prophecy’ and ‘king of Great Britain’.68 Not surprisingly, the Arthurian myth was still viable durante this new context. The Venetian envoy observed ‘It is said that the king disposed sicuro abandon the titles of England and Scotland and sicuro call himself King of Great Britain like that famous and ancient king Arthur.’69 James himself was more prosaic. Speaking before parliament in 1603, he commented, ‘hath not the Union of Wales esatto England added onesto greater strength thereto? ’70 Wales here is per ridotto fidanzato, niente affatto longer the equal ally alluded puro in medieval and Renaissance Scottish chronicles. Nevertheless, the concept of the Cambro-Briton influenced verso number of antiquaries, Welsh humanist scholars and bards who continued onesto defend Geoffrey during the seventeenth century and viewed James’ accession onesto the throne through per Galfridian perspective.71 For example, the MP Sir William Maurice, squire of Clenennau, mediante per Commons speech per 1609 addressed James as ‘king of Great Britain’. Mediante support, he cited Welsh prophecies, such as the ‘coronage vabanan’, verso Welsh version of the prophecy of the crowned child, and other ‘prophecies durante Wealshe w’ch foretolde his comings sicuro the place he nowe most rightfullie enjoyeth’.72 In 1604, George Owen Harry compiled per Genealogy of the High and Mighty Monarch James . . . King of Great Britayne. Such writing, of which this is only one example, demonstrated an interest mediante the early history of Scotland, but stressed common lineage of Welsh and Scots with adjonction condizione accorded Welsh, exactly the opposite of the king’s own view.73 Increasingly, language became a marker of identity. Although there had always been an acknowledged division between the speakers of Gaelic and Scots, evident in Scotichronicon as durante later texts, George Buchanan was among the first sicuro see links between Welsh and Gaelic.74 For example, the epigrams of John Owen referred preciso four languages spoken sopra James’s pigiare.75 Robert Holland’s preface to his mingle2 Welsh translation of Basilicon Doron (1604)